16 July, 1868: Smithyman’s cotton plantation at Mokagai near Levuka generates 8551b per acre of seed cotton

 Mr Smithyman has a considerable plantation at Mokagai, and has from the first kept a very close account of his returns of produce and stock.
 Experiments: He is of opinion that Sea Island cotton can only be grown to advantage on a dry soil—in a dry air, and near the sea. These conditions are found in perfection at Mokagai, and the Sea Island cotton produced there ranks very high. 

The cotton season: On the other hand, the same dryness of soil and air will be likely to render it unsuitable for coffee and perhaps for sugar. The season for planting Sea Island, is from October to February inclusive. 

Trees cleared and burned: At Mokagai it bears very quickly, and picking commences in the fourth month after planting. The cost of clearing and burning bush land is below 20 per acre, even where the bush is unusually heavy and the stump  of the trees extracted. The usual course is to leave the stumps to rot in the ground, which they do in from 12 to 15 months. 

Sea Island produces throughout the year, and the yield of the second year is quite equal in quantity to that of tho first, although the quality is a little coarser and the staple is not so long. 

Third year: Mr Smithyman’s plantation is in its third year, and the yield shows no appreciable diminution. Tho best lands are those covered with bush or reed. Coarse grass land, with Nokonoko (ironwood), or Balava (screw pine), is very poor and bad. Pruning has not yet been tried at Mokaga

The return monthly from May, 1807, to May, 1868, the plantation, as near as could be estimated, being 44 acres, and the bushes from 6 to 18 months old. 

Total for the year was 37,5931b:  The monthly yields were, for June, 3021lb; July, 4274 ; August, 4965 ; September, 2910 ; October, 2506 ; November, 4346 ; December, 4927 ; January, 1728 ; February, 2820; March, 853 ; April, 2123 , and, to the 25th of the following month, 57491b. The total for the year was 37,5931b —equal to 8551b per acre of seed cotton. As a good deal of the plantation….was very young, the quantity for next year is estimated at one thousand lbs per acre. This would produce between 3001b and 3501b of ginned cotton, worth, according to some accounts, if properly sorted and sent to market, from 2 shillings to 2 and 6p per lb in Liverpool. 

Sells for 6 pence a pound: In Levuka, it sells at only six pence, unginned, equal to—when thn cost of cleaning and baling   added—10.5 and 11p per pound for cleaned cotton, The difference between this and the estimated Liverpool value is enormous, and only to be accounted for by imperfect modes of packing, or by want of competition among the few buyers hitherto in the islands.

A man picks about 30 pounds in weight per day: As to  labour, a man picks about 30 pounds in weight per day. Rain shrivels up the cotton, and discolours it. This discolouration is more injurious to Sea Island than to the shorter descriptions. 

Chickens and pigs among the cotton: There are also at Mokagai very fine poultry and remarkably good pigs. The fowls are of mixed Shanghai and Fiji breeds. They lay more or less throughout the year, and increase rapidly in despite of hawks, crabs, pigs, and wild cats. Goats flourish and give abundance of milk but, unless penned, are a great nuisance to the planter. 

No fences: It must not be forgotten that in Fiji the plantations are never fenced. The small quantity of stock renders it easier to confine them in paddocks, and as there are no inducements to any, who have not islands to themselves, to keep much more stock than suffices for their own use, this inversion of the usual colonial system as to fencing will probably be permanent.

Otago Daily Times , Issue 2111, 10 November 1868, Page 3


1872 The Cutter Agnes: An extraordinary story of the lawless Queensland slave-trade and how a Queensland member of Parliament with a sugar plantations bought slaves from pacific pirates

The Cutter Agnes

 How men and women were trapped, killed or sold.

In the 1870s slaves were sold at Levuka to Heinnemann and Co for 30 pounds a person

“It was in the beginning of the (1870s), the good old Fiji cotton days.

Captain Phil MeKeever and myself, his mate Joe Barton of the 40-ton labor schooner Alert, were trudging down Beach Street, Levuka.

We had only arrived from the Solomons the night before, and had just handed over our live cargo of b blalckbirds (slaves) eighty souls all told, to our owners, a German firm, Messrs.Heinnemann and Co., who retailed them out at about 30 pound per head to plantation owners.

We had received our respective dollars, and commission per head recruiting and were steering a direct course for the Royal Hotel for a feed of gin, as was the custom in those days, and is still.

We ran out of liquor on board – a most unusual thing in n those days and our thirst as very great.

Phil used to tell me — sea he had a great long giraffe sort of thirst, and what a feed of gin he would have when he got to port; and he stuck to his word. I never knew Phil to lie in that respect.

Gin was only eighteen shillings per case, and Phil laid himself out for a gross, which he intended to demolish before he put foot on board another vessel. –

Phil (MeKeever ) was a good sort; handsome and fair, open-hearted and kind to a degree, gentlemanly in his ways and manner, but by continual intercourse with low beach-combers he descended low at times; a lover of adventure, but with an ungovernable temper.

He had been an old ‘Varsity man somewhere, nut where, he was loth to say. He was like a good many more in Fiji in those days, who had left their coun try for their country’s good, and had come to Fiji for the benefit of iheir health. “Climate so exhilarating!” they used to say. So it was square gin 18/ per dozen, other gins cheaper.

We duly arrived at the pub., and were greeted by our host with open arms. Recruiters were always wel come; they generally spent their cheque in the shortest time possible, like the proverbial shearer.

Louis Armstrong, our host, was a “hail fellow well met,” sort of chap. On our return from our last recruiting cruise he had given all the recruiters in town a picnic to the back of the island Ovalau, chartering a small cutter for the purpose. It was the usual kind of South Sea picnic; a case of gin and a tin of sardines per man were all that we had to eat or drink.

We were looking forward to another picnic, but after two or three nips Phil forgot about tbe picnic and had one on his own account for a fortnight.

Phil and I were not sailors in the proper sense of the word, but we had knocked about a bit in yachts in the old country and a great deal in cutters in the South Seas, and knew ab out as much as the average seaman. Certificates were not, required in those days no Government, no Customs, did as you liked, a regular go-as-you please.

If you were in the labor trade, recruits you must get either by fair ‘means or foul it was usually the lat ter way. Nobody to interfere with you; old Cakabau was rex, ( King) and everybody was the Government. They were great old times, as Phil used to say.

We had been kidnapping for about a year together, and had. always made successful trips. I was full, and in tended to “chuck it” this trip. It was a ghastly game, to say the least of it.

Phil’s burst progressed merrily for a fortnight, when our owners had a fresh order for eighty more labor and wanted Pbil and me to start at once. Phil was too drunk, I couldn’t sober him up. So he got the sack. The owners wished one to go; I declined, I intended to stay by my mate.

A new captain and mate -were soon procured, and were fitting out for the cruise when I managed to sober Phil up and tell him he bad been sacked. “The square-headed sons of guns,” he remarked, “we’ll be even with them yet. Joe, I”ll not touch another darned drop till I square with them.”

Phil sobered up very quickly. His recovery was a bit sudden, though. I offered hm gin to steady him. but it was hopeless, his mind was made up. His feelings were hurt to get the sack for such a paltry offence as drunkenness, and allowing his ship to take charge of herself for a fortnight. Why, the thought of it was ridiculous; it was unprecedented in Fiji. Why, it was the fashion to be drunk.

The new captain of the Alert, Bill Taylor by name, an old man-o’-war’s man, had been busy for a week getting – fitted out for an old-time recruiting trip. All the old crew left with Phil and me, so consequently there was new captain, mates and crew on board.

The day before they sailed from Levuka Phil held a council of the old crew and myself, when wo arrived at the follow ing plan to avenge Phil’s dismissal.

The old crew were to invite the new crew on shore for a farewell evening to commemorate their departure, which invitation we knew they would readily accept. .

Bhil said would manage old Cap tain Bill Taylor’s two mates. When we got them all ashore we were to shove gin down their threats as fast as they would drink, get them hopelessly drunk, collect all our traps, meet at Hedemann’s wharf at midnight, take the ship’s boat and make off with the Alert.

Everything went splendidly. At mid night the new crew from the captain downwards were dead to the world.

An hour later we had shipped our anchor, and were standing out of the Passage heading for Wakaya, Phil having taken his bearings previous to darkness coming on.

Phil told me before he left he had posted a notice up on the owners’ office to this effect:

“Disappeared on the night of the 12th January, 187-, the forty-ton schooner Alert, the property of Messrs Heinneman and Co.500 pound reward will be paid to the per son or persons returning same or giving information as to her whereabouts.’

Phil was as cool as a bread-fruit, and thought it a huge joke. I must confess I was a little excited, and was even sorry I had had anything to do with the labor trade.

In the morning we inspected our prize. She was full of the usual re cruiting stares: yams, trade, powder, shot, muskets, pig iron, and gin.

We had a slashing breeze and sighted Kadavu that evening about five o’ clock, took our bearings, left Fiji behind us, and steered straight forthe Loyalties as Phil said, for repairs. Besides, it was a much safer anchorage than the Hebrides under the circumstances.

We fetched up at Mare on the seven teenth day out after an uneventful trip, and beached the schooner in a nice secluded spot on the Lifou side of Mare. The crew, being all Fiji half castes, were more or less carpenters.

We dismantled the schooner, turned her into a cutter rig, made new sails from canvas in the hold; being formerly painted olive-green we painted her white, changed her rig and appearance entirely within a month, and altered her name to the Cutter Agnes.

While at Mare we got on famously with the French missionaries, and had many an evening at Letou, their central station on the island. The traders were a little suspicious of our move ments for what I don’t know. We were supposed to be pirates of some sort, for the traders always had spies on us.

When our work was complete Phil convened another council of,the crew, when he threatened to put every man jack of them ashore and ship new hands who knew nothing of the cutter’s previous history if they did not swear to stick to the ship and keep mum under pain of death. All hands agreed, and the second mate, a half caste Fijian, known as Jimmy the Demon, said he would hold himself responsible for the crew.

We then directed our course for the Hebrides. On the voyage Phil shaved his beard, and dyed his moustache and hair black from native juices procured at Mare, and so altered his appearance that we didn’t recognise him. When he came on deck he gave instructions. for myself and crew to do likewise. In a couple of days we were transformed into new beings; it was a couple of days before we fell into each other’s looks and appearances and knew one another.

We were a happy family onl board – at first, and the crew had their nip according to captain’s instructions every seven bells. On the eighth day out of Mare the crew waited on us in a deputation to know where our destination was. Phil quite coolly replied “Malua” “Wait,” or “By and by.”

One of them answered rather sharply “Malua marusa! By and by be damn d. We want to know now.’ The man had scarcely finished speaking when a puff of smoke, a report, and a half-caste lay on the deck with a bul et through his brain, and Phil said quite calmly, “I want no mutineers on board this ship. You agreed to stick by me, and by God, I will make you.

Joe,” he said, turning to me, “throw that half-bred’s carcass overboard to show them what we think they are worth.” I shuddered, and passed the order on to Jimmy the Demon.

I went below to get a nip to steady my nerves after what I had seen, when Phil came down. I remonstrated with him for his harsh treatment of the sailor. Phil replied: “If you don’t show these brutes you mean business, they will take liberties,” and that ended the matter.

On the sixteenth day out we sighted Santo in the Hebrides. We avoided Sandwich and Mallicollo -, as we knew that the latest arrivals from Fiji would most probably be there, and-we wanted to avoid danger as much as possible.

‘Having groped our way through the many coral patches in Santo Bay, we finally entered in about eight fathoms of water. I immediately got the boat in the water ready to go ashore, but Phil stopped and said his intention was to wait for the niggers to come oft to us.

They had seen many a recruiter there before us, and fought shy for a day or two; but, seeing we didn’t move, they chanced it, and paddled out to us in their canoes only a few at first, as they were suspicious. We watched them very closely, too, as they are about the most treacherous race in the Hebrides, and many a recruiter has lost his life on the shores of Santo.

As they came closer to the vessel Phil, by means, of owe of the crew, interpreted to them we weren’t recruiters, but wished to buy cccoanuts, copra, and pigs. The news spread quickly, and soon the water was black with canoes about us. When there were about sixty ‘in the immediate vicinity.

Phil gave the order to have our fire arms ready, bring up the pig-iron, and swamp the canoes which the crew did most effectually. Most of the natives were on board the cutter at the time buying muskets and bullets, but we had not sold them any powder.

The pig iron knocked the bottoms out of the .canoes, and we drove those on deck down the already prepared hold. Some jumped into the water some started to swim for shore Demon had his boat’s crew out and picked them all up, shoved them in with their mates, closed the hatches down, hoisted sail and made tracks for Aneitium in the south of the Group, where Phil said he wished to call on his friend, the Rev. Mr Thompson, the Presbyterian missionary, before leaving for Queensland with our booty, which consisted of fifty-four men and eight women.

There was great wailing and gnash ing of teeth that night down the hold. They wouldn’t stop the row till Phil ordered the cook to open the hatches and throw a couple of buckets of boiling water on them to quieten them; need less to say, it had the desired effect.

Anchored at Aneitium the fourth day out, about a quarter mile from the shore in the bay where the old pioneer mission station stands a large build ng built out of coral and lime.

Phil left Jimmy the Demon in charge, with instructions not on any account to open the hatches, and watch the labor carefully, while he and I went ashore, .and he introduced himself as a planter, and I as captain of tbe cutter.

The missionary prevailed upon us to stay for tea and prayers, which we did. At prayers Phil sang most devout edly; he looked so beastly religious that I laughed outright; and when the Rev Mr Thompson ended up the proceedings: with the Lord’s Prayer,,and said:

“Forgive us our trespasses as we forgive, them their trespasses against us, and lead us not into temp tation, but deliver us from evil, etc.,”

I wondered what Phil’s thoughts were, and what he was scheming in his mind; and when the missionary said “Amen” so did Phil so loud that Jimmy the Demon swore he heard him on board ship.

I could not “follow the drift of things at all. What the devil Phil wanted to run his nose into danger for like this I couldn’t make out; but when prayers were finished, and a very, pretty Samoan girl about sixteen came into the room to take the children to bed, I got an inkling, and began to get the hang of things.

Mrs Thompson had on a recent visit to Fiji picked up Solotosoa, the Samoan girl, who had just arrived from Samoa with a batch of young girls who were to be handed over to the whites as wives pro. tern on the payment of 10 pound per head to the captain of the vessel. She induced her to come as nurse-girl to her mission station.

The missionary questioned us as to our movements, and where we came from, and what were our intentions. Phil in his fine suave manner to Fiji to take up land. Solotosoa, hearing the name Fiji, rushed to the conclusion we were going there, and im plored Phil to take her back to Fiji, ”Faamelemole oe le alii ia e ave ane au i fitto,” “please sir, you are a gentle man, take me back to Fiji.” to which Phil readily consented if Mr Thompson was willing.

Mrs Thompson said it was rather hard for the girl being away so far from her friends and anybody of her own color, and she was always pining to get away, and this was a fine opportunity Phil being of so taking a manner and gentlemanly appearance, and so well read that no doubts were afloat as to his character. He spoke of his college life, his ‘Varsity friends, his people how they lost all their e tates owing to speculation, and he the eldest son was now looking out for land in the South Pacific with what little money was left, to make a pile out of cotton; and restore the old family estates and their long-honored name, and sixty-two niggers on board our hooker, with the crew all armed guard ing the hatches! Honored name, for sooth, Aneinitum was a fool to him!

Next day we got Solotosoa on board with her belongings, and were making preparations to go, after many inducements being offered by Mr and Mrs Thompson to stay for a few days, when a cry of “Sail ho” from thie natives on the beach was heard. Phil was on deck in a brace of shakes, and recognised the Meg Merrilees schooner from Fjii, and sailing straight into the harbour. “Damn her” was all I heard him say, and he dived below, to reappear in a few minute in a black felt missionary hat, black trousers, and close ” buttoned-up long silk dust-coat; called me aft and said

‘that old idiot Captain Giles on the Meg must be bluffed, and mighty smart too.

He is after us. Get the boat’s crew in the boat, tog yourself up, and come aboard with me; I will do the talking, you listen all you know.”

We pulled off, and before the Meg Merrilees had her galls furled Phil and I jumped on board.

I was rather nervous. I didn’t know Giles, but knew the mate; we had a drink or two together in Levuka before I started. But my luck was in there was a new mate.

Phil introduced himself as Dr Selton, of the Presbyterian mission from Sydney, visiting the various stations for the first time in these seas in their new cutter the Agnes. Turning to me, he said: “This is Captain Burton. We all shook hands, Giles telling us his name, telling us he was down on a trading trip.

Phil advised him to deal honestly with the natives, and he would never regret it. Captain Giles questioned us how long we had bsen at Aneitium “Two weeks,” said Phil.

I nearly fell overboard at his answer; at any rate, I had to go to the side and spit.

Giles questioned us if we had seen a schooner, the Alert by name, anywhere in the islands. Phil answer ed in the affirmative, and turning tome, said: “Captain wasn’t that the name of the green colored schooner we oberved on the beach near the Rev. Mr Robertson’s place?.” I said yes.

Old Giles I could see wanted to go and have a nip on the strength of what he had heard, but lacked pluck while Dr Selton was present.

He eagerly asked me if Phil McKeever was with her, and Joe Barton his mate, I said yes, they were beached at Eromango, and were repairing the copper on her bottom.

Then Giles told us how Phil McKeever had run away with the Alert, and had the cheek to post a notice up on Heinnemann’s office door that 500 pounds would be paid on information as to her whereabouts, and how Heinnemann and Co had confirmed the reward.

Giles asked us if we had seen the brig Carl, and being answered in the negative, told us Captain Dupont, of the H.M.S. Rosario, was after the two of us, the Carl and the Alert.

Giles begged to be excused; he was so eager to get that 500 pound reward, he up anchor and was away an hour after he arrived. It was lucky old Giles had been drinking square-face himself, or he would have smelt Dr Selton had likewise been drinking, and no doubt got suspicious.

We returned to the cutter, had a good second-mater each came on deck to find about twenty native teachers with food from Mr Thompson, yams, pigs, turtle, drinking nuts, etc. Phil got them all down in the cabin to have a look at the Bibles he had on board, when the sails were hoisted, and we too sailed out of Aneitium harbor with twenty more recruits than we came in with.

What Mr Thompson’s opinion of his fine English gentleman was I don’t know.

We directed our course to the Ellis Group to dispose (sell) Solotosas, the Samoan (Solo I called her) to Ben Taylor, the trader, for one thousand dollars, as he told Phil he would give that for a Samoan wench some fourteen months previously.

Ben also had oil. So this was Solo’s destination, to be the . .wife of an old shell-back.

Solo and I became great friends. She always radiant and happy, thinking or seeing all her friends again in Fiji; I pitied her, and a love grew out of my pity. I was resolved to baulk Phil. and prevent him from selling so pretty a creature to such a brute as I heard Ben Taylor was.

My love increased daily, for she was as simple and pretty very nice-mannered, and quite unconscious of her beauty. I made my mind to marry her myself, and settle down to a trader’s life. I was full up with buccaneering.

Phil tried hard to make her his wife for the time being on – board before he handed her over to Taylor. I protested, and she always clung to me for protection. “Papalaga le ua pepclo ia le au” (he is a l)-”he is abad white man; he lies to me), she would say.

We were three weeks in arriving st Nakafatau; and before we knew it were up to the passage, and for the first time saw lying in the lagoon the H.M.S. Rcsario. Strange none of m saw her, and it gave us a start when we did we were wholly unprepared for such a surprise. To delay matters we pretended not to know the passage in the reef, and cruised about for an hour before we attempted to go inside.

Safely anchored, Phil went off this time by himself, dressed as an ordinary captain. He was frightened to present him self as Dr Selton, for most probably Captain Dupont and Dr Selton knew each other; , so he personated a Queensland labor captain, showed forged papers as toname of cutter, crew, etc.

In about an hour’s time Phil returned, saying everything was all serene, had a nip, and told me his story. “They questioned me,” he said, ‘if I had seen the brig Carl or the Alert. I told Du pont they were both in the Solomons, and had fired three villages in Malatta.”

The Rcsario was in for water, and was going away that night, so we waited patiently for her to get before-,we moved. What Captain Dupont thought of our recruiting labor for Queensland in the Eilice Group it is hard to say. I never knew anyone to come from the Solomons to the Ellice Group for la bor; however, he departed, add glad we were.

Old Ben Taylor came off shortly af terwards in his whaleboat, recognised Phil, saw Solo, and got gloriously drunk.

After the Rosario had gone; Phil and I went ashore to see what oil Old Ben had. We were immediately ac costed by his old Tokalau wife, asking us in Fijian what we wanted ashore while Peni (Ben) was aboard our hooker. She was rather suspicious in our movements, having been taken in by the famous Bully of the South Seas some months previously in the same way. When we ventured to .peer into Bern’s oil-house, a thatched native house on the beach, she started to finger a six-inch knife she carried in her waist, too familiarly, for mr.

“Where’s the oil, Makereta?” I asked. “Sa, se hone lako tanua” (clear out) she replied.

“‘We can’t do anything, Jce,” Phil said,’”till we get the old girl drunk,” so accordingly I sent the beat off for a, couple of bottles of square-face. While we went up to Ben’s house and had a glass of Tokalau coconut toddy made by Makereta the gin arrived, and we made the old lady as tight as a fiddler. “What are your movements now, Phil?:’ I asked.

“Take every damned drop of oil in that oil-house on the beach and leave the Samoan piece as compensation. If I-don’t get that oil, Jce, Billy Hayes will get it; I will.”

I remonstrated, but of no avail. I declined to let Solo come ashore, for if she did that old Tok would put six inches of steel into her as soon as she put foot inside Ben’s house. Besides I loved Solo, and the first sky-???? I dropped across we were to be married.

The sailors burst the store, door open according to Phil’s instructions, shipped twenty tons of oil in two tides and kept Ben and his missis drunk alll the time, left him a case of gin to recover on, and made tracks for Gilberts. I heard afterwards that old Bill put day light through his Old Tok for allowing us to steal the oil.

We played the same trick on Ted Eaves in the Gilberts, relieving him of five tons of oil, and would have filled tip there only for Bully Hayes; coming in on top of us, when we thought it time to get. If you crossed his path he made it warm foryou; he carried cannon.

The Aneitium boys fell out with the Santo boys, and there was a devil of a row in the hold. Phil would never let them up on deck as was the custom.

When the row started he ordered the hatches to be opened a little, and was going to fire in amongst ifcem, but I stopped him. He was growing more fiendish every day.

“Where to now, Phil?” I asked as we left the Gilberts.

“To the Solomons for sandalwood” I told him that we were full up, and couldn’t carry another ton.

“Well, we can stow about five tons on deck.

I protested, and he gave in, and we turned our heads for Moreton Bay where, after an eventful trip of two months, with ten of our labor dead, and five more dying who we threw over board to end their misery we sighted Cape Moreton, and were soon irside the bay, taking us a couple of days to get to the mouth of the river. Our crew towed us up to Petrie’s Bight, where we anchored. The Customs officer was easily bluffed by Phil, who, “when had got rid of the officer, went ashore dressed ‘,up to ‘kill, leaving man in charge, to return in about two hours With a great fat member of the (Queensland) Upper House who was a partner in a Mackay sugar plantation, to inspect our recruits, who ultimately bought them at 20 pound per head.

Next day Phil sold the cutter and the oil, paid off the crew, and gave me 500 pounds, and said he was going to retire.. The sugar planter had a fifty-ion schooner chartered to take the labor up to Flat Top, had all the labor transhipped into her, jaud was making preparations for a start.
Phil and I dined at Lennon’s Hotel that night, and drank to the health of the cutter Agnes. Dinner being fin ished, Phil left me saying he would be back in an hour or so, and to wait for him. I never saw him again.

Two days afterwards I was surprised to read in the “Brisbane Courier” of the disappearance of the schooner Westward Ho with sixty-seven recruits on board. It was at first surmised that the labor themselves hadmade off with the vessel; but on further-Inquiry it was ascertained that a lot of half castes and a white man had come on board about nine p.m two evenings ago, the captain being ashore and all the labor locked down below, overpow ered the mate and two of the crew on board, towed the vessel down the riv er, landed the mate and crew at Lytton, the mouth of the river, hoisted sail and off. I knew it was Phil by the description given of him, and I never saw any of the crew again in Brisbane.

I married Solo in the old Creek Street Presbyterian Church, not faa Samoa (Saimoan fashion) but English fashion. I was very proud of So’o, she being admired by everyone, ‘no Samoan having been seen in Brisbane before. She used to wonder at the greatness of the white man’s town, and the beauti ful dresses the ladies wore, and enjoyed herself thoroughly.

Some two months later I read in the “Courier” how Phil ended up. He made for Mackay, there being no steam communication in those days; retold the labor to a local planter for 10 per head, and disappeared as suddenly as he had come.

* * *

Now twenty years odd have passed by, and I look back with regret at, my sad past in the old South Sea labor days and of my experiences with Captain Phil McKeever. I am again in Fiji with my old Samoan belle of twenty odd years ago and my son Filemu (Peace) who helps me work my cocoa nut plantation in Vanua Levu, where he is a great help to me in my old age, little knowing of how romantic a na ture was his mother’s and my wooing.
Some years ago I heard Phil was competing in the opium trade in China

1875: Louis Armstrong a hotelkeeper in Levuka, at the Royal Hotel after bankruptcy in Melbourne

Louis ARMSTRONG was reported born Fiji before 1850, mother Tahitian or Fijian and unknown*, ARMSTRONG father also unknown.

Friday 5 May 1871 The Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 – 1956) reported Louis Armstrong, of Viti Levu, Fiji, publican, at present a prisoner for debt in Her Majesty’s Gaol, Melbourne.

Causes of insolvency – Inability to pay his debts, from losses in business while in partnership with William Lyon as publican in Bourke-street, Melbourne, and from sickness in family.

Liabilities, £168 13s. assets, £00.

He was insolvent twice in Melbourne, in 1871 ; 1879.

Chris_Liavaa reports “No Armstrongs in Levuka in 1871 electoral roll for Township of Levuka. No Armstrongs in Levuka 1873 Directory, nor 1874 directory, so he appears to have arrived sometime in 1874/75”

Louis ARMSTRONG , wife Alice Maud (nee AITKEN b. Bendigo 1860) and children John (1885), Zoe Eloise Desiree (1887) and Rupert Roy (1888) ARMSTRONG definitely residents of Levuka, Fiji, in and before 1888 at birth of Rupert.

The family was recorded in Sydney from mid 1889, but Louis ARMSTRONG disappears from the map after 1891. Alice remarried in Sydney 1897, as spinster and using maiden name, and Louis recorded as deceased at daughter’s marriage in 1909.

There is a photograph of an L. Armstrong (Photo No. 639, pages 330-332a) in The Cyclopedia of Fiji, Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti, and the Cook Islands / Sydney : Cyclopedia Company of Fiji, 1907.

Armstrong once owned Malolo Lailai (not to be confused with Malolo) in the Mamanuca Group where the resort Musket Cove is on. From their website: “In 1872, Malolo Lailai was sold to John Thomson by Ratu Kini, a Nadroga Chief. Malolo Lailai being uninhabited, was purchased to plant cotton. John Thomson died in 1876 and Malolo Lailai was sold to Louis Armstrong.

Armstrong died bankrupt and the island was transferred to the Mortgage Agency of Australasia Ltd, who sold and transferred to James Borron in November 1891.”


His wife remarried in Sydney in 1897, to William Edward MORGAN, a South Sea Island trader.

A son of Louis Armstrong changed his name to MORGAN.

Another Percy Armstrong, sailed with his father, Louis, around the South Pacific, went to Fiji, and later tried to buy large tracts of land from various chiefs.

Louis owned what is now Plantation Island.

* In comment on this Ann McGlynn, an ancestor of Louis writes “Briefly, Louis Armstrong’s ancestry is 100% Anglo-Saxon (Irish mother, American father), he was born in Australia c1842 and was farming in various parts of Fiji from the late 1860s (part of the “Fiji Rush”). He was concurrently a hotel keeper, firstly in Suva and later in Levuka until he left Fiji in 1888, never to return. Evidence seems to indicate that he was the publican of the “Polynesian Club” at Levuka, rather than the Royal Hotel, unless of course you have evidence that indicates otherwise!”.

1881: C. Hedemann offered Conrad Machens employment at Levuka, Fiji; German trade expands

From the book Conrad Machens: A merchant living between Germany
and Fiji (1856-1930) Husum, 2009, 181 pages including two originals by Conrad making, many contemporary b / w illustrations, hardcover, 17 x 24 cm
ISBN 978-3-89876-482-7 € 19.95 Husum Publishing Group

This item is translated from a German item on Wikipaedia, sourced from a book and exhibition about Machens and Gerrman trade in the Pacific.

Conrad Machens, born 3 May 1856 in Ahrbergen, was a German South Seas buyer. Machens was a seventh or eighth child of farmer Johann Conrad Machens (1806-1877) and second wife Therese Magdalene Machen (1818-1906), in the village Ahrbergen, near Hildesheim (since 1866, Prussian).

Age 17 years Conrad Machens went  to the province capital Hanover for training. In the spring 1876  he had an employment in a meat goods wholesale in Hamburg.

Two years later, Conrad Machens, equipped with a good reference, left the Hanseatic city and went to London.

When Conrad Machens found no place there, he continued to travel.

Conrad Machens emigrated to Australia 17 September 1878 on board the SS Hankow of the Colonial Line of Australian Packets,

In Sydney Conrad Machens received  a temporary job clerking for loading and unloaded ships owned by Frederick Caesar Hedemann. Hedemann traded between Europe and the South Seas.

Conrad Machens then worked;

–  as a salesman in an ethnic German gentleman clothes business in Maitland;

–  as a decorator on the World Fair 1879 in Sydney as well as driving goods – in New South Wales. Machens borrowed 250 pounds from Hedemann to set up his own business.

In , since 1874, a  British Crown Colony.

There, in the capital at that time Levuka on the small island Ovalau, Hedemann 1871 had support (today still existing) of the Hamburg commercial firm Wachsmuth & Krogmann (gegr. 1797), and the  famous Hamburg trading firms Joh. Cesar Godeffroy & Son

The company formed under the name Hedemann & Co. and by led by Hedemanns younger brother Ferdinand Hugo.

In Fiji  Conrad Machens was a successful buyer within only few years and worked also to document  conditions of Fiji.

In 1883 Conrad Machens  became a partner with Hedemanns and in 1888 temporarily exclusive owner of the increasing enterprise.

In the same year Conrad Machens returned for the first time from business reasons to Germany and married the 16-year old Bertha Sebald, daughter of the Hildesheimer of hairdresser master and inventor of a well-known (Haartinktur?) shortly before Conrad and Bertha Machen  returned journey to Fiji on 14 January 1889 (with Johann Sebald?).

In Fiji Conrad and Bertha Machen in Fiji had two daughters, Florence and Bertha. Shortly after the birth of Bertha Junior  Bertha Machen died aged 20 years on 27 August 1892 child bed fever. (The grave is at the cemetery of Levuka.)

The care of two small children transferred to a family worker of many years, “Charley”, a Solomon Islander. (Charley Seromeo).

Conrad Machens decided it was better in the long term to give the children to the care of his mother and his older sister in Germany in order thereby a German education to make possible at the same time.

Conrad Machens travelled with Charley and the little girls; Florence and Bertha to Germany on one year absence of Fiji.

In his absence Conrad Machens invited a familiar coworker of many years Frederick Vollmer (1852-1918, later mayor of Levuka), a British naturalized Hamburger, as a partner to the company.

Conrad Machens also appointed the British naturalized William Kramp (1858-1943) as manager in co-operation with his new partner Frederick Vollmer .

Im 1895 Conrad Machens returned temporarily to Fiji, decided however, also for health reasons to remain permanently  from 1897 in Germany in order to transact from now on the purchases of European goods (particularly of materials from Manchester, the European center of the textile industry) for the export into the South Seas.

The management it left to a large extent to its two German (British naturalized) partners Frederick Vollmer  and William Kramp (1858-1943).

Conrad Machens introduced 1897 from Germany  private picture postcard on the Fiji islands. In the following years Conrad Machens undertook numerous expanded journeys outside of Europe, among other things into the United States of America, to Canada, India, Japan and China as well as into the German colony Samoa.

Conrad Machens documented experiences in numerous detailed, so far unpublished reports on a journey.

During the outbreak of the First World War Conrad Machens on his fifth sea voyage was to Fiji faced increasing differences over the further future of his company. Hedemann & Co. wanted to negotiate.

By the start of the war entrance the German steamers could not enter Fiji and Conrad Machens begain to work from port of Tjilatjap in Java.

From there the British refused Conrad Machens departure. So Conrad Machens changed the company into a British Limited company.

With the aid of Sir Ernest Bickham Sweet Escott (1857-1941) at the end of of May 1915 Conrad Machens had permission to embark on a small American Schooner to San Francisco.

In Fiji Conrad Machens – making as much money before – found the need to exchange for in gold.

On 26 August 1915 Conrad Machens went in New York on board a Danish steamer.

On 15 September after an exciting sea voyage Conrad Machens  was finally again at his home-town of Hildesheim.   There Conrad Machens drew war loans with the saved gold in patriotic enthusiasm, for 45.000 Marks.

Conrad Machens stayed in his homeland; Germany

But in Levukia Frederick Vollmer  and William Kramp were declared enemy aliens, at the beginning of November 1917.  They were extradited and interned in Australia until the end of the war.

Frederick Vollmer died shortly after his premature release  13 March 1918.

The company Hedemann & Co., which 1915 had been reorganized preventing into one limited company with capital stock had been increased to £ 30,000, was meanwhile liquidated like the remaining German Konkurrenzfirmen.

From the end of the war Conrad Machens struggled – on the basis of article 297 of the Versaille of Peace Treaty – for many years for his compensation. Conrad Machens however at end of 1924 lost his claims for damage due to the additional deprivation of its Prussian nationality. Thereupon it strove for the reimbursement of proceeds from the liquidation of its private property with the Londoner places.

The last years of his life Conrad Machens spent with   of his family in Hildesheim.

He died there on 27 April 1930.

The family burial place with its grave is in the Godehardi cemetery.

Conrad Machenss left an extensive private and business correspondence, several handwritten reports on a journey and landeskundliche recordings as well as hundreds of photographies with motives of the archipelagos Fiji, in private property, Samoa, Tonga and the Norfolk island. These show that there was another form apart from the colonialism in the conventional sense still another German commitments in the South Seas. Beyond that they provide a singular culture, social and economics source for a time of increasing globalization during late 19. and to early 20. Century.

Note: translated from German from http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conrad_Machens

Sources Handwritten letters and recordings, private archives of the family of Mueller making. Literature [work on] The Cyclopedia OF Fiji (Illustrated). A Complete Historical and Commercial Review oF Fiji (Sydney 1907; Reprint Fiji museum, Suva, Fiji, 1984) P. 321. Stefan A. Lütgert: ” Fiji Machens” – a Hildesheimer buyer in the South Seas.The magazine for history and culture, number 9/2008, P. 26-30. Ders.: Conrad Machens – a buyer life between Germany and Fiji. Husum publishing house, Husum 2009, ISBN 978-3-89876-482-7. Ders. (Hrsg.): Conrad Machens. Letters from Fiji from the year 1883. Books on and GmbH, north first EDT 2010, ISBN 978-3-8391-3811-Stephan A. Lutgert, Conrad Machens: A merchant living between Germany

and Fiji (1856-1930) Husum, 2009, 181 pages including two originals by Conrad making, many contemporary b / w illustrations, hardcover, 17 x 24 cm

ISBN 978-3-89876-482-7 € 19.95 Husum Publishing Group


1858: Pacific women worth 10 to 50 pigs


But worth incalculably more if they were of a chief’s family; with slaves of their own, land, and rights.

“White murders were generally caused by unpaid “theft” of Islander women, by White men reported British Naval Commander Acland in 1885 “had long discussions with  everybody in the group employing native labour… finding it “extremely difficult to obtain truthful information, owing to the fact that there is a constant triangular duel being fought between the traders, labour collectors and missionaries and all of them are inclined to circulate reports against each other”.

In general, Acland confined his observations to the labour trade of Queensland and Fji, believing that they were usually well looked afgter but that the Queensland climate was and its hard work was too much for the islanders.. He told of the degraded live lead by most indigenous women and the decreasing population of the group.

“Women are looked on as so much property, and if they go away without their owner’s consent he is determined to be avenged upon someone. They do most of the work and become the property of some man from an early age. The value varies from ten to forty pigs in different islands, and in ratio to the charms and merits”.

Acland like many observers before him, concluded that the principle cause of White murders was the stealing of Islanders, particularly of women. By stealing he did not mean kidnapping. He meant the new “owners” had not been properly paid for them.

“Our notion on this subjects are that such a transaction would be a species of slave-buying…but the natives look upon the bargain as something quite different; they expect a present for each man (or woman) that goes and are disgusted if they do not get it”.


1886 Levuka a peaceable and orderly community; recollections of David Whippy

“Contrary to Suva, which is entirely the growth of the last five years, Levuka possesses some claims to antiquity, and has a history of its own, the first settlement by whites here dating back nearly 50 years.
The first settlers on Ovalau were, however, a very rough lot, being composed mostly of runaway sailors from American whaling ships, or beche-de-mer or sandalwood trading vessels, together with a few escaped convicts from Norfolk Island.
Some of these original settlers, In other parts of Fiji, lived under the protection of individual chiefs, and made themselves notorious by taking part in the intertribal wars, in which their possesssio of  arms rendered them formidable and valuable allies but those who settled
Ovalau seem to have formed a more peaceable aud orderly community, and lived quietly at Levuka under tho protection of its chief, acknowledging the jurisdiction of one of their number, named ( David) Whippy, who was eventually appointed to represent the first Amerlcan Consul in Fiji, Mr. J. B. Williams, who was Consul for New Zealand and Fiji, and resided at the Bay of Islands, New Zealand, until he came to Fiji, where he remained permanently until his death in I860.
Whippy’s authority received the countenance of the commanders of tho various men-of-war which occasionally looked in. Some of these earlier settlors still survive, and tell thrilling stories of adventure during the “good old cannibal days”.
The Mercury Supplement, (Hobart, Tasmania)  Saturday 13 February, 1886.  This item appears written by a Levuka resident in early 1886, or late 1885.  It encourages tourism to Levuka, as a rest from an overheated Australia.  Author uses the name “Tasmanian”. Possibly Frederick Langham   Perhaps ship-owner and trader with a long term trading relationship with Levuka and Suva, for at least five years – since 1880.

1870: 2,150, 400lb bales of cotton exported from Levuka, value l0d. to 3 shillings lb

“Cotton is the principal (export) and nearly the only item. 2150 bales left Levuka – with the exception of a few – for Sydney, during the year.
400 pound bales: Reckoning the bales as weighing ‘each 400 lbs. and varying in price from l0d. to 3s. per lb., and the last 150 bales at 4s., gives the total “estimated value £85,733. ‘ This since the depreciation in cotton consequent on the war may be rather high, but it was a very fair computation considering the advices received at the latter end of 1870. The Sydney Morning Herald Friday 3 March 1871 http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article13221624